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It's hard to imagine that
anyone in the rarefied upper echelons of American
capital formation would see any cause for cheer in
the ever-metastasizing Enron scandal. But isn't it
at least possible that some of the erstwhile heroes
of the dot-com age, who last summer were being made
over into a gang of whipping boys and rogues, are
secretly breathing a sigh of relief? Oh, sure, there's
still grumbling about Wall Street analysts who hyped
ill-fated ventures from Pets.com to, well, Enron.
But none of the failed dot-commers has had to take
out a series of defensive full-page ads in major newspapers
in a desperate attempt to salvage its reputation,
as the pilloried accounting firm Arthur Andersen has
done.
There's very little mention
of creative accounting in Dot.con, John Cassidy's
recap of the Internet-stock boom and bust. And no
wonder: Some firms may have used numbers to stretch
the truth, but there was not much need for earnings-boosting
trickery when the markets were willing to award multibillion-dollar
valuations to enterprises that made no claims to any
earnings at all.
These days, separated from
the dot-bust not only by Enron but also by the tragedy
of Sept. 11, it's tempting to simply wave away all
thoughts of the Internet fiasco as a kind of foolish
and vaguely embarrassing tryst. That would be a mistake.
The story that Cassidy, a New Yorker writer,
tells in Dot.con is one that's very much worth
remembering.
There are two main strands
to it. One is the growth of the Internet and related
technologies from edgy obscurity into mainstream American
life. The other is the development of mass participation
in the stock markets on an unprecedented scale
"popular capitalism," as Cassidy calls it.
His most interesting observation here is that this
was largely an accident, coming about chiefly because
a benefits consultant in Pennsylvania noticed, in
1980, that clause 401(k) of the Tax Reform Act of
1978 could be used to create a new kind of retirement
savings plan. The rise of 401(k) plans stoked the
mutual fund business. By the end of 2000, stock funds
held $4 trillion.
These two narratives came together
in the initial public offering of Netscape Communications
on Aug. 9, 1995. Netscape's browser was a breakthrough
in popularizing the World Wide Web, but the offering
was unusual because the firm had no profits. The stock
went out at $28 a share and closed that day at more
than $58. From there, the utopianism of Net culture,
the ingrained boosterism of Wall Street and the wishful
thinking of millions of investors all fed on each
other until a phenomenon became a simple frenzy. Soon
venture capitalists and entrepreneurs, Cassidy says,
stopped "using the stock market to build companies"
and were instead "using companies to create stocks."
The Nasdaq, where many Internet and other tech issues
trade, soared from 750 at the beginning of 1995 to
more than 5,000 in March 2000, covering the last 2,000
points or so in just four months. That was the peak.
Today the index stands at around 1,900 (of course
that's still more than double what it was was seven
years ago).
If none of this sounds particularly
new, that's because the book, engagingly written as
it is, contains little in the way of fresh revelation
or against-the-grain argument; Dot.con doesn't
so much tell as remind. And compared with some of
the artful and human stories that have been told about
this period Michael Lewis's The New New
Thing, Po Bronson's The Nudist on the Late
Shift, the documentary Startup.com
it's a bit bloodless. On the other hand, Dot.con
marshals a great range of facts (with a few minor
gaffes, such as referring to iVillage's Candice Carpenter
as Claudia and to Microsoft's co-founder as Paul Allaire,
instead of Allen) into a clear-eyed and uncluttered
chronology, and there's certainly value in that.
As its title suggests, Dot.con
does make some effort to fix blame. Stock analysts
are criticized, and one interesting subplot involves
Mary Meeker, the Morgan Stanley analyst, as she seemed
to lower her standards over the course of the boom.
The financial news media also get knocked around,
particularly CNBC. And Cassidy raps the "greed
and gullibility" of the American public. Perhaps
the most surprising villain is Alan Greenspan, accused
here of failing to take action (such as raising the
Fed funds rate) that might have stopped the madness
earlier. "If anybody had the legal, moral and
intellectual authority to prick the bubble, it was
Alan Greenspan, but he refused to exercise this power
until too late," Cassidy contends. Perhaps.
He wraps up his story with
Americans, post-Sept. 11, switching off CNBC and focusing
on "things in life apart from the stock market."
But now, of course, Americans are riveted by business
stories again only this time it's earnings
restatements, not rocket IPOs, that dominate the news.
The other day, writing about Enron in the context
of the Internet bust, Steve Forbes suggested that
speculative bubbles are a bit like love, since both
require "a willing suspension of disbelief."
Whatever this might say about Forbes's capacity for
romance, it's actually not a bad way to think about
the relationship between investors and the markets
in recent years: What's been really surprising is
that Americans have not abandoned stocks in the numbers
you might expect. Perhaps investors remain in a sort
of denial phase, hoping Mr. Market can be made to
change enough to rekindle the spark.
We all know how hard it is
to change a romantic partner. But even after so much
heartbreak, plenty of investors still seem unwilling
to break things off for the moment, at least.
.

A
similar version of this review appeared in the March
2, 2002 edition of the The Washington Post.
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